During the 97 years since the might of Rome was last visited upon the British Isles much had changed both in Britain, and, in Rome. No longer a republic, Rome was now a dictatorship under the overall authority of Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero Germanicus, known as Claudius.
He had become Caesar after his nephew, Gaius Caesar Augustus Germanicus, otherwise called, Caligula, had been murdered in the year 41 A.D. In order to establish his precarious hold on the Imperial throne and in order to gain the respect and loyalty of his legions, the emperor Claudius needed a military campaign, and above all, a military victory. There was little actually left which inspired Claudius into what may turn out to be a disaster, so, what ever the campaign, it had to be virtually guaranteed to be successful.
The depredations of and extravagance of Caligula had decimated the imperial treasury, these too had to be replenished, and plunder was the easiest and most popular way of accumulating revenue.
In 43A.D., he created the new province of Mauritanias, followed about three years later by the inclusion of Thrace, also as a new province. This expansionism was compounded by the resurrection of Julius Caesar’s plans to incorporate Britain into the empire. Trade with the isles had increased during the hiatus, stories of masses of corn, grown and harvested in Britain, sold to Rome, which could simply be taken, was an attractive, and seemingly economical method of increasing the food supply to the ever open maw of an insatiable empire. There were reports of mineral wealth in the form of silver, tin and iron, all of which were needed by the Empire. The population of the islands was, relatively, dense and could provide men for the army, slaves for Roman citizens, gladiators for the blood soaked sand of the arenas. There were other reasons for invading Britain. It was the thorn in the imperial flesh on account of it harbouring Gallic rebels and the ever-troublesome Druids, who constantly undermined Roman authority in a still predominantly ‘Celtic’ Gaul. Rebellious mystics who passed freely between Britain and Gaul, spreading, it was thought, discontent, disobedience, defiance and dissent. Cassius Dio though states another reason (LX – 19) “a certain Bericus, who had been driven out of the island as a result of an uprising, had persuaded Claudius to send a force thither.”
The tools with which Claudius had to achieve his ambitions in regard to Britain were his legions. Since the time of the deified Julius, they too had undergone major changes. After the naval battle of Actium, in 31B.C., Gaius Julius Caesar Octavianus, became the first Imperial Caesar, known as Augustus. He acquired a legacy of the 50, essentially disparate, legions of the previous warring factions of the triumvirate. Those legions, comprised of mainly of temporary volunteers, were quite simply, too many for the empire to support and maintain. Augustus therefore disbanded some, amalgamated others, and made the remainder into a standing army of 28 legions manned entirely by full time professional soldiers. Most of the Augustan legions were to survive in some form for the following two centuries. In 43 A.D. the Roman conquest of Britain began, an army of between 40 and 50 thousand men were assembled at embarkation ports on the north coast of Gaul, including those used almost a century earlier by Julius Caesar. The heavy infantry was composed of four legions, and most sources will announce without fear or favour that those legions were the Legio II Augusta, Legio IX Hispana, Legio XIV Gemina and Legio XX Valeria.
It has to be stated however, that there exists very little evidence for verifying such an assertion. Much of the following narrative has to be based on the hypothesis that absence of evidence is not evidence for absence, that is to say, that because there is no archaeological evidence to support a conjecture, the lack of such evidence alone does not mean such a conjecture is in error. It is necessary to look at the history of each legion as far as it can be proved, either by archaeology or by original text in order to try to verify the inclusion of each legion in the assemblage.
Here then, are such histories, beginning numerically with Legio II Augusta. This legion had traditions going back possibly to before 43 B.C., but during the reconstruction of the army by Augustus three new legions were created from soldiers of dubious loyalty with a core of loyal veterans, these were the legions II, III and VIII, which all were honoured with the title of ‘Augusta’. After a lengthy campaign in Spain, and consequential to the loss of legios XVII, XVIII and XVIIII and their commander, Publius Quinctilous Varus in the Teutoburgerwald, in the year 9 A.D., the Legio II was transferred to Argentoratum (Strasbourg). By the time of Claudius, Legio II was under the command of Titus Flavious Vespasianus, who is known to have been present during the 43 A.D. campaign in Britain. It may then be safe to assume that Legio II were included in the British adventure, for what use a commander, if he has no troops to command.
The Legio IX Hispana (9th Spanish Legion) might have been able to trace its origins back to the legions of Caesar who had a legio IX with him in Gaul c58 B.C.
An active, and apparently loyal and respected legion, it likewise saw action in Spain between 30 and 19 B.C. after which it too was transferred to the German frontier, where little is known other than a tombstone of a colonist at Cales dated 14 B.C. It was then posted to Pannonia were it was permanently stationed apart from a brief campaign in Mauritania after which it returned to Pannonia (a province on the river Danube, now in central Europe). Why, then would they be used in a campaign almost at the other end of the empire? The probable answer, Aulus Plautius was their overall commander in Pannonia, and it seems natural for him to take one of his best legions with him for the campaign in Britain.
They were certainly in Britain during the revolt of Boudicca (60 A.D.) because they were severely mauled while trying to prevent the sack of Londinium. Much legend and myth surrounds the fate of this legion, fostered by the fictional work, ‘The Eagle of the Ninth’ by Rosemary Sutcliff. Truth they say is often stranger than fiction, and the fate of the Legio IX is not for this place, but, what ever it’s fate, we may never it know for certain, other than the legion was reformed after the decimations of Boudicca, and served in Britain until about 120 A.D. after which it’s presence at Nijmegan is attested.
Legio XIV Gemina (Frere Britannica 1974, pp 61) otherwise called the 14th TWIN (or double) LEGION was first formed 53-3 B.C. under the command of Quintus Cicero, brother of the orator. The epithet Gemina indicates that the Legio XIV was formed as a result of the amalgamation of two other units though evidence for which two units is lacking. During the reign of Tiberius the legion was stationed at Moguntiacum (Mainz) on the German frontier after an active period of campaigning under Augustus. Evidence for the legion taking part in the invasion of 43 A.D., is as with the others, circumstantial, in this case maybe even more so. It has been suggested that they were commanded by Titus Flavius Sabinianus, the brother of Vespasian, his presence is attested by Dio, (LX – 20).
A legionary fortress at Mandvessedvm (Mancetter) in the midlands of England close to the north-western boundary of the Catuvellaunian tribal lands was occupied by the Legio XIV by 46 A.D. They were later pushed further north to counter a revolt by the Brigantes, after which they were in action against the tribes of Wales, eventually re-locating their base from Mancetter to Viroconium (Wroxeter) on the English side of the river Seven.
After their defeat of the rebels commanded by Boudicca in 60 A.D., the Legio XIV were granted the title Martia Victix (Martial and Victorious). In 64 A.D., under orders from the Emperor Nero, the legion was transferred from Britain to the Rhine.
The origins of the Legio XX Valeria (Valiant) are unknown, but they appear to have been formed as a new legion during the Augustan reforms, soon after which they were stationed on the lower Danube. As with the XIV, Legio XX’s presence at the invasion of 43 A.D. is also circumstantial. They were moved from their base at Novaesium (Neuss) in Germany in the same year, and a legionary fortress at Camulodunum (Colchester) was soon established by the legion. The legionary fortress at Colchester has been dated to 44 and 49 A.D. (Colchester Archaeologist issue 14, 2001), and it is upon this, primarily, that their presence at the initial invasion has been presumed here. This was the only one of the legions to be permanently stationed in Britain, it taking part in many actions, including the defeat of Boudicca together with the Legio XIV. It may have been as a result of that victory, that as with their companions, they too were awarded the additional title of Victirx.
There was a reserve legion, Legio VIII Augusta, also from Pannonia, which was held on the Continent in anticipation of the arrival of the Emperor to accompany him across the Channel, it was transferred to Moesia in 44 A.D. when it was felt safe to reduce the expeditionary force. The rest of the invasion force was made up of units of auxiliaries. Frere makes mention of two Thracian Ala, and two Thracian Cohorts, while Dio mentions archers, Tacitus speaks of eight Cohorts of Batavians attached to Legio XIV. Dio also mentions ‘Celts’ or ‘Germans’ depending on the translation, which may have been recruited from either Gaul, or the conquered Germanic tribes who, capable of swimming, may have made up the eight cohorts attached to the XIVth.
The only thing certain about the composition of the entire expeditionary force, is that nothing is certain. Their number, between 40,000 and 50,000 men, were to be transported in 1,000 ships from Boulogne, and possibly other close-by harbours on the northern shores of Gaul were ready in good time for the campaigning season. The senator Aulus Plautius an experienced and seasoned soldier, was appointed as commander. When he arrived at the encamped army however, he found it in a state of discontent. According to Cassius Dio (LX – 19): “he had difficulty in inducing his army to advance beyond Gaul. For the soldiers were indignant at the thought of carrying on a campaign outside the limits of the known world.” Why this should be, again, is uncertain. Maybe memories, and legends of Julius Caesar’s adventures, and subsequent lack of plunder might have had some bearing. It maybe also, that the soldiers were indeed perturbed by the prospect of a sea crossing to a place which to them was virtually unknown. It is indicative however of the power of the army to forestall the grand schemes of politicians. When Claudius was informed of the reluctance of his legions to embark, he sent one of his favoured ministers to negotiate with them. He was a freedman, a favourite of the emperor, seemingly a self-seeking man named Narcissus who had used his position to acquire a vast fortune, he was though, no soldier. His function in the Claudian administration was as secretary for the Imperial Correspondence. The army was first harangued by Plautius and then by Narcissus on behalf of the emperor. Dio once more picks up the story “Narcissus, who had been sent out by Claudius, mounted the tribunal (raised platform – podium) of Plautius and attempted to address them. Then they became much angrier at this and would not allow Narcissus to say a word …..” Then, in one voice, the army changed it’s mind with a shout of “Io Saturnalia” (Hurrah!!!! – For the festival of Saturn!!) Dio fails to clarify the sudden change of mind in the army although the vision of a freed slave urging the soldiers to fight might have induced some kind of soldier’s appreciation of ironic humour, hence their salutation. That might have been all required to break the tension of the moment. Whatever the reasons, they followed Plautius onboard the waiting vessels of the embarkation fleet. Their procrastination however had delayed the entire campaign so that their departure was made in the latter part of the season. Of the sea crossing, and the disembarkation, Dio says “They were sent over in three divisions, in order that they should not be hindered in landing,— as might happen to a single force,— and in their voyage across they first became discouraged because they were driven back in their course, and then plucked up courage because a flash of light rising in the east shot across to the west, the direction in which they were sailing. So they put in to the island and found none to oppose them.” This tempting and frustrating part of the text has led to continuing discussion and debate, which to date, has not been resolved. While it seems to say so much, it fails in so many other ways to inform.
by Corinne Mills and Richard Hayton